Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü Koleksiyonu
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Article Citation Count: 1A 2020 Vision for the Black Sea Region: the Commission on the Black Sea Proposes(Routledge Journals Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2010) Aydın, Mustafa; Triantaphyllou, DimitriosThe Black Sea region is coming into its own although it is at times a contested and dangerous neighbourhood. Despite heightened interest in the region its real priorities and needs are still being largely ignored by insiders and outsiders alike. What is needed are regional solutions for regional problems. The authors present the key findings and recommendations of the Commission on the Black Sea a civil society initiative comprising a number of current and former policy-makers scholars and practitioners both from within the region and from outside with the purpose of contributing to a joint vision and a common strategy for the Black Sea region by developing new knowledge in areas of key concern.Article Citation Count: 3The Akp Story: Turkey's Bumpy Reform Path Towards the European Union(2011) McDonald, Deniz BingölThe Justice and Development Party (AKP) government between 2002 and 2007 managed to accomplish unprecedented economic reforms maintaining 8% growth and passed legislation to change Turkey into a more democratic country in line with the Copenhagen political conditions. After being rewarded with the start of accession negotiations in 2005 and an electoral landslide in 2007 AKP's second term in office is in stark contrast with its earlier days of glory. AKP disengaged itself from the IMF agreement and took EU reforms off the top of its agenda bringing half a decade of political and economic reforms to a halt. The paper argues that AKP utilized the credibility of IMF and EU support to defeat its domestic rivals but once the external incentives lessened AKP turned inwards to consolidate its power and cared for little else. The first part of the paper explores how AKP managed to construct such a broad reform consensus and assesses the role of the external influence. The second part explores why and how this reform consensus fell apart.Book Part Citation Count: 5Changing Dynamics of Turkish Foreign and Security Policies in the Caucasus(Ashgate Publishing Ltd, 2011) Aydın, Mustafa[Abstract Not Available]Article Citation Count: 3Changing Naval Balances in the Eastern Mediterranean: Implications for Turkey(Turkish Policy Quarterly, 2016) Güvenç, Serhat; Egeli, SıtkıThis paper is aimed at providing an assesement of the growing Russian naval strength and assertiveness in the Eastern Mediterranean and its implications for Turkey's place in the regional naval power hierarchy after Moscow's direct involvement in the Syrian conflict in 2015. Although the main focus is on the Eastern Mediterranean the region obviously cannot be decoupled from the Black Sea and to some extent from the Aegean. Therefore this paper argues that the naval power hierarchy in these three regions have both historically influenced and been influenced by developments in others.Article Citation Count: 5Civilizational Futures: Clashes or Alternative Visions in the Age of Globalization?(Elsevier Science, 2010) Aydın, Mustafa; Özen, ÇınarThis article underlines the existing similarities between Samuel Huntington's civilizational approach hypothesis and the fundamentals of political Islam. The similarity pertains to the argument related to the gradual weakening of nation-states which also constitutes the main theme of the globalization debate. The civilizational approach and political Islam signify new efforts to reach a much larger political community and organization in world politics. Both of them argue that the formation of new political actor(s) is replacing the old nation-states across religious and cultural affinities. The terrorist organization Al-Qaeda is trying to legitimize its political violence by manipulating the weakness of the nation-states and the utopia of the formation of a much more comprehensive political community and political organization through Islam. Huntington's clash of civilizations thesis indirectly provides a base for Al-Qaeda's rhetoric and a certain type of justification for its terror activities since the theory argues for the inevitability of the conflict between civilizations regardless of their political regimes (liberal or totalitarian) with civilizations being determined by their cultural and religious differences a theme that is used by the ideologues of political Islam. (C) 2010 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.Book Review Citation Count: 0The Discourses of Capitalism: Everyday Economists and the Production of Common Sense(Savez Ekonomista Vojvodine, 2018) Gürbüz, Selman Emre[Abstract Not Available]Editorial Citation Count: 0Economic Financial and Policy Challenges in Emerging Economies Papers From the First Eurasia Business and Economics Society Conference Introduction(M.E Sharpe Inc., 2010) Bilgin, Mehmet Hüseyin; Danis, Hakan[Abstract Not Available]Book Part Citation Count: 3Energy Security in South East Europe(Palgrave, 2013) Cehulic, Lidija; Kuznetsov, Alexey V.; Çelikpala, Mitat; Gleason, Gregory[Abstract Not Available]Article Citation Count: 5Eu Conditionality and Desecuritization Nexus in Turkey(Routledge Journals Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2013) Acikmese Akgul, SinemBorrowing the Copenhagen school's lexicon of desecuritization the present paper appraises the EU's role as a desecuritizing agent for Turkey with a particular focus on security speech-acts about Kurdish separatism' and political Islam'. Taking up the illustrative cases of silencing the military and abandoning limits to freedom of speech reflected in EU-Turkey accession documents this paper observes the ways in which the EU membership conditionality has been an important catalyst for Turkey's desecuritizationsArticle Citation Count: 0The Fog of Leadership: How Turkish and Russian Presidents Manage Information Constraints and Uncertainty in Crisis Decision-Making(Routledge Journals Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2018) Ünver, Hamid AkınLeaders choose to mislead their domestic peers when the political risk and cost associated with a particular foreign policy decision is too great and when the structure of the political system in question is too leader-centric to afford these costs being incurred by the leader. This article argues that risk uncertainty and imperfect information are not necessarily external unwanted or unforeseen factors in foreign policy decisions. In certain cases they too are instrumentalized and adopted consciously into decision-making systems in order to diffuse the political costs of high-risk choices with expected low utility by insulating the leader from audience costs. This dynamic can be best observed in leader-centric and strong personality cult systems where the leader's consent or at least tacit approval is required for all policies to be realized. This article uses two important case studies that effectively illustrate the use of deliberate uncertainty in decision-making in leader-centric systems: post-2014 Russia (War in Donbass and the annexation of Crimea) and Turkey (ending of the Kurdish peace process and the change in policy towards Syria).Book Review Citation Count: 0Foreign Policy Under Austerity: Greece's Return To Normality?(Routledge Journals Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2018) Ifantis, Kostas[Abstract Not Available]Book Part Citation Count: 0A Framework for Understanding the Changing Turkish Foreign Policy of the 2000s(Ashgate Publishing Ltd, 2013) Tür, Özlem; Han, Ahmet Kasım[Abstract Not Available]Book Part Citation Count: 2Geopolitics and Gas-Transit Security Through Pipelines(Springer International Publishing, 2020) Ediger, Volkan S.; Bowlus, John V.; Aydın, MustafaHydrocarbons are valuable only if they can be transited from where they are produced to where they are consumed. Despite the enduring importance of transit to the global energy system, the topic did not begin to be extensively analyzed until contentious relations between Russia and Ukraine disrupted natural gas flows to Europe in 2006. This chapter examines the geopolitics and security of transiting gas through pipelines by exploring the connection between geography, global energy strategies, and natural gas markets. Gas has grown in recent years as a percentage of global energy consumption and is helping the world transition to a cleaner energy regime. At the same time, it is intensifying the contest for and control of gas-transit routes. Russia, the world’s second-largest producer, has built new pipelines to Europe since 2006 in order to diversify its flow from relying on Ukraine, while the USA, the world’s largest gas producer, is increasingly exporting liquefied natural gas (LNG) through sea routes mostly controlled by the US navy. We argue that geostrategic calculations will more profoundly affect gas transit in the future and that countries that rely solely on market or commercial factors for their gas-transit security will become increasingly vulnerable to geopolitical volatility.Book Review Citation Count: 0Identity and Turkish Foreign Policy: the Kemalist Influence in Cyprus and the Caucasus(Cambridge Univ Press, 2013) Ünver, Hamid Akın[Abstract Not Available]Article Citation Count: 0Literature of Immigration as a Literature of Europe(Sage Publications Ltd, 2016) Schneider, AnnedithAny understanding of European literature that does not include immigrant literature results in an incomplete vision of literature created in Europe. As immigrant writers have sought to find a place for themselves and their writing the labels attached to that writing have been crucial. While such debates certainly have to do with the writers themselves and how they seek to have their writing read they also reflect an anxiety in Europe about what counts as European literature and not incidentally who counts as European. To examine these issues this article takes the example of the work of Franco-Turkish writer Sema Klckaya. In contrast to the usual French fear of communautarisme which signals for many the fragmentation of society along ethnic and religious lines the article argues that Klckaya's writing provides another model for national and European belonging one that depends perhaps paradoxically on sub-national and local belonging - in both the country of origin and the country of settlement.Article Citation Count: 2THE LOGIC OF SECRECY: DIGITAL SURVEILLANCE IN TURKEY AND RUSSIA(Turkish Policy Quarterly, 2018) Ünver, Hamid AkınTurkey and Russia have been developing comparable approaches to digital surveillance. The advent of Internet Communication Technologies (ICTs) and social media platforms have enabled significantly increased systematic state surveillance. From the state's perspective, data-centric digital surveillance is required for two reasons. First, the extent and depth at which terrorist organizations and criminal groups use these platforms for recruitment, logistics, and planning. Second, this trend is driven by a variant of "security dilemma" in which one state's intelligence advantage in digital space renders other states relatively less secure, generating a never-ending momentum of digital surveillance capability investment. Turkish and Russian surveillance regimes have grown as two particularly problematic cases in the wider surveillance literature.Other Citation Count: 0Losing an Enemy: Obama, Iran and the Triumph of Diplomacy(Sage Publications Inc, 2018) Muslu-El Berni, Hazal[Abstract Not Available]Article Citation Count: 51National Role Conceptions and Foreign Policy Orientation: the Ideational Bases of the Justice and Development Party's Foreign Policy Activism in the Middle East(Routledge Journals Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2010) Aras, Bülent; Görener, Aylin[Abstract Not Available]Book Part Citation Count: 12Paradise Lost: a Neoclassical Realist Analysis of Turkish Foreign Policy and the Case of Turkish-Syrian Relations(Ashgate Publishing Ltd, 2013) Han, Ahmet Kasım[Abstract Not Available]Article Citation Count: 3The Perceptual Shock of Qatar Foreign Policy in 2017 Crisis: Systemic Factors, Regional Struggles Versus Domestic Variables(Sage Publications Inc, 2020) Muslu-El Berni, HazalThe Qatar crisis of June 2017 commenced without a warning and restored overlooked regional security dynamics to the state, the political elite, and the Qatari society at large. Qatar was cautious about the diversions of its foreign policy from regional security perceptions of its neighbors, even before the crisis, despite its failure to predict imminent political consequences, emerging from some states within the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). In the aftermath of the crisis, critical narratives of the neighboring states on Qatar's independent policies intimidated at the top leadership level and necessitates an analysis of the crisis, navigating through domestic settings facing systemic and regional pressures. This article aims to analyze the impact of the crisis on the perceptions of Qatari decision-makers, its society, and its tribes using the "perceptual shock" concept of neoclassical realism. It contends that despite the ongoing regional isolation of Qatar by the Saudi-led quartet, comprising Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and Egypt, Qatar's state apparatus and its relations with the society continued to strengthen due to the complex relationship between the domestic variables and systemic factors, and their relation to regional dynamics.