Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü Koleksiyonu
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Book Part Citation - WoS: 3Energy Security in South East Europe(Palgrave, 2013) Cehulic, Lidija; Kuznetsov, Alexey V.; Çelikpala, Mitat; Gleason, Gregory[Abstract Not Available]Article Citation - Scopus: 1The Us and Turkey in Search of Regional Strategy: Towards Asymptotic Trajectories(Universidad Complutense de Madrid, 2014) Ifantis, Kostas; Galariotis, IoannisSecurity relations with the US have been critical for Turkey. Cold War strategic imperatives dictated typical bandwagoning policies although disagreements and frictions were present at times. In the 2000s a combination of domestic developments and rapidly changing regional security patterns has resulted in a more assertive Turkish regional security policy which for many represents a departure from traditional Kemalist principles. This article attempts to assess the current course of Turkish regional security engagement and the extent to which relations between the USA and Turkey are subject to major change. The analytical context accounts for the impact of domestic regional and global levels. The empirical focus is on Turkey’s involvement in the Syrian sectarian conflict and on the trajectory of the bilateral relations with Israel. © UNISCI 2014.Book Review Migration Refugees and Human Security in the Mediterranean and Mena(TRANSNATIONAL PRESS LONDON, 2019) Oral, Gul[Abstract Not Available]Article Citation - Scopus: 11Turkey's Dilemmas(2011) Özel, Soli; Özcan, GencerTurkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), which prides itself on serving as a regional model of democratic governance, often pays lip service to human rights and democratic principles in its foreign policy. Yet when dealing with politically less than attractive regional partners, the AKP will frequently maintain public silence rather than risk harm to Turkish interests, particularly economic ones. Will the more robust human-rights policy that Turkey has begun to apply in the Middle East be extended to Ankara’s dealings with other parts of the world? This remains unclear, yet it seems obvious that the principles which the present AKP government has laid down as markers for future foreign-policy activities will tend to make it increasingly costly for Turkey to turn a blind eye to human-rights abuses abroad.Article Citation - WoS: 7Citation - Scopus: 11Turkish Efforts in Peacekeeping and the Introduction of the Tubakov Dataset: an Exploratory Analysis(Routledge Journals Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2018) Yalçınkaya, Haldun; Hatipoğlu, Emre; Acar, Dilaver Arikan; Çelikpala, MitatThis study introduces the TUBAKOV dataset which offers extensive data on 57 peacekeeping operations (PKOs) that Turkey has contributed to between the years 1988-2015. TUBAKOV improves existing data in several ways. First it draws data from governmental resources that have not been previously used. Second Turkey's contributions for each PKO are presented both at the levels of PKO and PKO-contribution year format. The website of the dataset also allows access to qualitative data such as primary text sources hence facilitating qualitative and multi-method research on peacekeeping. Preliminary analyses indicate that the frequency nature and the geographic focus of Turkey's contributions to peacekeeping operations demonstrate a significant shift with the new millennium. Preliminary findings offer interesting insights to the changing characteristics of Turkey's PKO involvements relating to the content geography and timing of these contributions over the time period covered by this dataset.Article Citation - WoS: 11Citation - Scopus: 22Nato and Turkey in the Post-Cold War World: Between Abandonment and Entrapment(Routledge Journals Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2012) Güvenç, Serhat; Özel, SoliFor the last two decades two fears have largely shaped Turkey's view of NATO. These are fears of entrapment and abandonment. Both are symptoms of a type of security dilemma that is peculiar to military alliances and coalitions. Both fears had their origins in the Cold War in the context of Turkey's 60-year-old NATO membership. They also led to the pursuit of autonomy in Turkish foreign policy both as a response strategy and as a strategic choice in its own right. While the former version featured a heavy dose of reliance on military means or hard power the latter version de-emphasized the military option in foreign policy and relied instead on soft power. A multitude of dynamics accounts for variations in the Turkish approach to NATO for the last two decades: Geography and regional considerations the transatlantic dynamics NATO's restructuring and transformation and Turkey's domestic dynamics. It may be suggested that NATO membership now looms large in the strategic calculations of the new Turkish elite in the aftermath of the Arab Awakening. This development might be the harbinger of the end of an era marked by fears and the pursuit of autonomy in Turkey's approach to NATO.Article Türkiye'de Uluslararası İlişkiler Akademisyenleri Eğitim, Araştırma ve Uluslararası Politika Anketi - 2011(Uluslararası İlişkiler Konseyi Derneği İktisadi İşletmesi, 2013) Aydın, Mustafa; Yazgan, KorhanTürkiye`deki Uluslararası İlişkiler (Uİ) çalışmalarının gelişimini, mevcut durumunu, temel özelliklerini, küresel Uİ disiplini içerisindeki konumunu ve bu alanda çalışanların küresel, bölgesel ve ulusal gündemdeki temel meselelere ilişkin tutumlarını anlayabilmek ve açıklaya bilmek amacıyla, daha önce 2007 ve 2009’da Uluslararası İlişkiler Konseyi (UİK) tarafından gerçekleştirilen anket çalışmalarını takiben, bu sefer ABD’deki Institute for the Theory and Practice of International Relations at the College of William and Mary tarafından 2004’den bu yana sürdürülen Teaching, Research and International Politics - TRIP anketiyle işbirliği yapı larak, 2011 yılında Eğitim, Araştırma ve Uluslararası Politika Anketi– 2011 gerçekleştirildi. Bu rapor, anket çalışmasının sonuçlarını küresel ve Türkiye ölçeğinde karşılaştırmalı olarak sun mayı hedeflemiştir. Raporda sonuçlar, Uİ yazınında sözü edilen dünyada Uİ alanında Batının merkez ülkelerinin teori ürettiği, diğer ülkelerin ise yerel konularda uzmanlarla veri sağladıkla rı bir işlevsel merkez/çevre bölünmesinin olduğu iddiasını test edecek şekilde düzenlenmiştir.Article Enerji Güvenliği: Nato’nun Yeni Tehdit Algısı(Uluslararası İlişkiler Konseyi Derneği İktisadi İşletmesi, 2014) Çelikpala, MitatEnerji güvenliği, ana amacı İttifak üyelerini askeri tehditlere karşı savunmak olan NATO’nun öncelikli konu başlıkları arasına ancak son on yılda girebilmiştir. Bu çalışmada, NATO’nun Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde düzenlenen zirvelerinde yayınlanan zirve bildirgeleri ve stratejik konseptler ile çeşitli NATO zeminlerinde yapılan tartışmalar ışığında, enerji güvenliğinin NATO için taşıdığı anlam ve önem üzerinde durulmaktadır. NATO’nun enerji güvenliği kavramına yaklaşımı değerlendirilerek, önümüzdeki süreçte enerji güvenliği konusunun NATO çerçevesinde ne yönde şekillenebileceği ortaya konmaya çalışılmaktadır.Article Citation - WoS: 9Citation - Scopus: 9Determinants of Currency Crises in Turkey Some Empirical Evidence(M.E Sharpe Inc., 2010) Karabulut, Gökhan; Bilgin, Mehmet Hüseyin; Danisoglu, Ayse CelikelCurrency crises have become a serious threat for developing countries especially since the financial deregulation process and the collapse of the Bretton Woods system. In the past two decades Turkey has experienced two major currency crises. This study aims to predict the determinants of currency crises in Turkey by using an ordered probit model. According to the results short-term debt/GDP real exchange rate deposit interest rates foreign exchange reserves/imports and credit/deposit variables are all significant in explaining currency crises in Turkey.Other Nato'nun Evrimi ve Türkiye'nin Transatlantik Güvenliğe Katkıları(Uluslararası İlişkiler Konseyi Derneği İktisadi İşletmesi, 2015) Güvenç, SerhatTürkiye NATO’ya 60 yıl aşkın bir süredir üyedir. Bu sürede güvenliğin hedefleri ve araçlarındaki değişime koşut olarak Türkiye’nin NATO’nun kolektif güvenlik sistemine katkısı da nitelik ve nicelik olarak değişim göstermiştir. Türkiye’nin katkıları bağlamında süreklilik gösteren iki unsur göze çarpmaktadır. Bunlardan birisi coğrafi konumudur. NATO’nun tehdit algılarının yoğunlaştığı bölgelere komşuluğu Türkiye ittifak açısından emlak değerini artırmaktadır. Bir diğer konu ise Türkiye’nin diğer müttefiklere oranla mukayeseli üstünlüğü sayılan, düşük maliyetle büyük bir orduyu silahaltında tutabilmesidir. Soğuk Savaş’ta Türkiye’nin ittifaka katkıları bu iki eksende değerlendirilmiştir. Soğuk Savaş sonrası dönemde, alan dışı kolektif güvenlik görevlerine talip olan NATO’nun evrilen gereksinimleri doğrultusunda Türkiye de katkısını dönüştürüp nicelikten niteliğe ağrılık verdi. Ancak NATO’nun Balistik Füze Savunma Sistemi örneğinde olduğu gibi yünümüzde Türkiye’nin ittifaka temel katkısı bir kez daha coğrafi konumunun bir fonksiyonu olarak gündeme gelmiştir.Article Paris İklim Anlaşmasına Teorik Yaklaşım: Neo-neo Tartışması, Eko-marksizm ve Yeşil Kapitalizm(Uluslararası İlişkiler Konseyi Derneği İktisadi İşletmesi, 2017) Ünver, Hamid AkınUluslararası iklim müzakerelerinde uzun yıllardır baş gösteren uyuşmazlıklar, uluslararası ilişkiler akademik ve bilimsel araştırmalarının ilgi odağı olmuştur. Bu çalışmalarda ekseriyetle, işbirliğini destekleyici ve bedavacılığı önleyici yeni müzakere ve dengeleme mekanizmaları geliştirerek, uluslararası güç eşitsizliklerini iklim konusunda birleştirmesinin yolları aranmıştır. Bu makale, ilk olarak 1997 Kyoto Anlaşması’nı takiben yapılan iklim müzakerelerinin neden başarısızlığa uğradığını ve bu başarısızlıkların 2015 Paris İklim Anlaşması ile nasıl çözülebildiğini neorealist ve neoliberal bağlam içerisinde konumlandırmaktadır. Özellikle enerji güvenliğinin sistemsel anarşi, özyardım ve göreli çıkar tespitlerine, neoliberal kurumsalcılığın verdiği kompleks çoklu-bağımlılık ve mutlak çıkar cevapları, iklim müzakerelerinin başarısı hakkında teorik bir cevap vermektedir. Makale, neo-neo tartışması kadar, iki yeni sistemsel teorik yaklaşımı da (Eko-Marksizm ve Yeşil Kapitalizm) karşılaştırmakta, bu sayede karbon salınımı ve iklim konularında cereyan eden önemli bir teorik tartışmayı, uluslararası ilişkiler literatürü içinde konumlandırmaya çalışmaktadır.Article Citation - WoS: 9Citation - Scopus: 12Levantine Challenges on Turkish Foreign Policy(Uluslararası İlişkiler Konseyi Derneği, 2018) Aydın, Mustafa; Dizdaroğlu, CihanTurkey's perception of the Levant has been hazy in modern times and the country has not constructed a holistic approach towards the region until recently despite the fact that Turkey has sought closer cooperation with the Levantine countries since the late 1990s. In addition to Turkey's willingness to open up to the region recent international developments such as the discovery of hydrocarbons off the coast of Israel Egypt and Cyprus the outbreak of the Arab Spring and changes in the regional balance of power have provided momentum for Turkey's engagement with the region. This paper argues that although these factors have provided space for Turkey to play a more assertive role in the region the country has thus far failed to present a successful region-wide strategy or carve up an influence zone.Article Citation - WoS: 8Computational International Relations What Can Programming, Coding and Internet Research Do for the Discipline?(Dış Politika ve Barış Araştırmaları Merkezi, İhsan Doğramacı Barış Vakfı, 2019) Ünver, Hamid AkınComputational Social Science emerged as a highly technical and popular discipline in the last few years, owing to the substantial advances in communication technology and daily production of vast quantities of personal data. As per capita data production significantly increased in the last decade, both in terms of its size (bytes) as well as its detail (heartrate monitors, internet-connected appliances, smartphones), social scientists’ ability to extract meaningful social, political and demographic information from digital data also increased. A vast methodological gap exists in ‘computational international relations’, which refers to the use of one or a combination of tools such as data mining, natural language processing, automated text analysis, web scraping, geospatial analysis and machine learning to provide larger and better organized data to test more advanced theories of IR. After providing an overview of the potentials of computational IR and how an IR scholar can establish technical proficiency in computer science (such as starting with Python, R, QGis, ArcGis or Github), this paper will focus on some of the author’s works in providing an idea for IR students on how to think about computational IR. The paper argues that computational methods transcend the methodological schism between qualitative and quantitative approaches and form a solid foundation in building truly multi-method research design.Article Citation - WoS: 6Citation - Scopus: 5How Turkey's Islamists Fell Out of Love With Iran(Wiley-Blackwell, 2012) Ünver, Hamid Akın[Abstract Not Available]Book Review Why Do Leaders Lie: the Truth About Lying in International Relations(Uluslararası İlişkiler Konseyi Derneği, 2013) Güvenç, Serhat[Abstract Not Available]Article Citation - WoS: 2Citation - Scopus: 2Squaring the Circle: the Eu's Operational Impact in the Black Sea Region(Routledge Journals Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2014) Acikmese Akgul, Sinem; Dizdaroğlu, CihanThe aim of this paper is to explain the flux in the European Union (EU) policies towards the Black Sea region with a particular comparative focus on the impact of the EU's operations in the South Caucasus and the EU Border Assistance Mission (EUBAM) in Moldova. This paper adopts the prospect and process of EU enlargement towards Central and Eastern Europe as a breakthrough in the EU's deeper rapprochement with the Black Sea region. By assuming that the EU has a variety of instruments at its disposal for crisis management this paper suggests that the EU is relatively more powerful with its framework initiatives in dealing with the problems of the region at the grass-roots level more so than as a security actor assuming direct roles including the operative side of the Common Security and Defence Policy in the resolution of the regional conflicts in Abkhazia South Ossetia Nagorno-Karabakh and Transnistria. More specifically this paper argues to what extent the three-and-a-half operations in the Black Sea are successful in presenting effective solutions to the region's conflictual situations.Article Citation - WoS: 8The great game in the Levant: energy geopolitics in the Eastern Mediterranean [Levant’ta büyük oyun: Doğu Akdeniz’in enerji jeopolitiği](Uluslararası İlişkiler Konseyi Derneği, 2012) Ediger, Volkan S.; Devlen, Balkan; McDonald, Deniz BingölThis study explores the historical evolution of the Levant region from the trade system to hydrocarbon geopolitics by using a longue duree approach one which evaluates the region's present situation in light of developments in oil and natural gas exploration production and export. The concepts of great power politics and balance of power frame the investigation of permanent and changing dimensions of hydrocarbon geopolitics. The first of the two hypotheses tested and verified in this study is that the geopolitics of the Levant maintains its historical importance for the global hegemon and for the international state system even though the central thrust of the Levant's geopolitics has been tranformed from trade to energy. The second hypothesis is that regional and global peace and stability increase when the geopolitics of the Levant is in the control of a hegemon. Instances of conflict increase and opportunities for cooperation decrease when the Levant's geopolitics slips from the grasp of a single hegemon as a result of shifts in the balance of power. Following a discussion of threats and opportunities for conflict and cooperation in the Levant region possible strategies for the regional actors are evaluated. Lastly the threats and opportunities that Turkey faces are situated within emergent trends in the energy geopolitics of the region.Article Perception or Discourse? Security Threats in Copenhagen School and Neoclassical Realism(2011) Acikmese Akgul, SinemThis article compares the perceptive approach of neoclassical realist security understanding with the discursive constructivist methodology of the Copenhagen School in analyzing the emergence of security threats. It departs from the assumption that these theories divergent in their perspectives on the content of security threats as well as security actors are comparable since they reveal methodological commonalities. The main emphasis of this article is that while partly adopting the perceptive subjectivity of neoclassical realism the Copenhagen School has further developed an alternative model of discursive intersubjectivity in analyzing security threats. In this context it will first cover the discussions on the content of security threats in Security Studies literature. It will then compare the assumptions of various realist understandings of security on the content and emergence of security threats with a particular focus on the perceptive perspective of neoclassical realism. Finally it will study the threat approach of the Copenhagen School through its securitization theory with insights from the speech-act theory political theory and discourse analysis in comparison with neoclassical realism.Article Ideology Political Agenda and Conflict: a Comparison of American European and Turkish Legislatures' Discourses on Kurdish Question(Center Foreign Policy & Peace Research, 2017) Ünver, Hamid AkınCombining discourse analysis with quantitative methods this article compares how the legislatures of Turkey the US and the EU discursively constructed Turkey's Kurdish question. An examination of the legislative-political discourse through 1990 to 1999 suggests that a country suffering from a domestic secessionist conflict perceives and verbalizes the problem differently than outside observers and external stakeholders do. Host countries of conflicts perceive their problems through a more security-oriented lens and those who observe these conflicts at a distance focus more on the humanitarian aspects. As regards Turkey this study tests politicians' perceptions of conflicts and the influence of these perceptions on their pre-existing political agendas for the Kurdish question and offers a new model for studying political discourse on intra-state conflicts. The article suggests that a political agenda emerges as the prevalent dynamic in conservative politicians' approaches to the Kurdish question whereas ideology plays a greater role for liberal/pro-emancipation politicians. Data shows that politically conservative politicians have greater variance in their definitions based on material factors such as financial electoral or alliance-building constraints whereas liberal and/or left-wing politicians choose ideologically confined discursive frameworks such as human rights and democracy.Article Citation - WoS: 1Citation - Scopus: 2Neo-Weberian Historical Sociology, the English School and Differentiated Integration in the E(Routledge Journals, Taylor & Francıs Ltd, 2020) Ruacan, İpek ZeynepThis article explores the contributions of Neo-Weberian historical sociology of the state and the English School of International Relations theory to our understanding of differentiated integration in the European Union. In doing so, it turns to the English School concept of 'radial empires' to establish differentiation as a structural feature of all centralized entities in international society such as the European Union. It then turns to the concepts of 'sociospatial networks of power' and 'despotic vs. infrastructural' forms of state power from the Neo-Weberian literature to discuss why empires function radially. Subsequently, it links vertical differentiation to the interplay between sociospatial networks of power and horizontal differentiation to the interplay between despotic and infrastructural forms of state power in the member states of the European Union. Crucial insights for understanding differentiation can be gained from engagement with these concepts not least for understanding Brexit which links with the United Kingdom's particularly high infrastructural power.
