Uluslararası İlişkiler Bölümü Koleksiyonu
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Book Part Citation - WoS: 3Energy Security in South East Europe(Palgrave, 2013) Cehulic, Lidija; Kuznetsov, Alexey V.; Çelikpala, Mitat; Gleason, Gregory[Abstract Not Available]Article Citation - Scopus: 1The Us and Turkey in Search of Regional Strategy: Towards Asymptotic Trajectories(Universidad Complutense de Madrid, 2014) Ifantis, Kostas; Galariotis, IoannisSecurity relations with the US have been critical for Turkey. Cold War strategic imperatives dictated typical bandwagoning policies although disagreements and frictions were present at times. In the 2000s a combination of domestic developments and rapidly changing regional security patterns has resulted in a more assertive Turkish regional security policy which for many represents a departure from traditional Kemalist principles. This article attempts to assess the current course of Turkish regional security engagement and the extent to which relations between the USA and Turkey are subject to major change. The analytical context accounts for the impact of domestic regional and global levels. The empirical focus is on Turkey’s involvement in the Syrian sectarian conflict and on the trajectory of the bilateral relations with Israel. © UNISCI 2014.Book Review Migration Refugees and Human Security in the Mediterranean and Mena(TRANSNATIONAL PRESS LONDON, 2019) Oral, Gul[Abstract Not Available]Article Citation - Scopus: 12Turkey's Dilemmas(2011) Özel, Soli; Özcan, GencerTurkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), which prides itself on serving as a regional model of democratic governance, often pays lip service to human rights and democratic principles in its foreign policy. Yet when dealing with politically less than attractive regional partners, the AKP will frequently maintain public silence rather than risk harm to Turkish interests, particularly economic ones. Will the more robust human-rights policy that Turkey has begun to apply in the Middle East be extended to Ankara’s dealings with other parts of the world? This remains unclear, yet it seems obvious that the principles which the present AKP government has laid down as markers for future foreign-policy activities will tend to make it increasingly costly for Turkey to turn a blind eye to human-rights abuses abroad.Article Citation - WoS: 7Citation - Scopus: 11Turkish Efforts in Peacekeeping and the Introduction of the Tubakov Dataset: an Exploratory Analysis(Routledge Journals Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2018) Yalçınkaya, Haldun; Hatipoğlu, Emre; Acar, Dilaver Arikan; Çelikpala, MitatThis study introduces the TUBAKOV dataset which offers extensive data on 57 peacekeeping operations (PKOs) that Turkey has contributed to between the years 1988-2015. TUBAKOV improves existing data in several ways. First it draws data from governmental resources that have not been previously used. Second Turkey's contributions for each PKO are presented both at the levels of PKO and PKO-contribution year format. The website of the dataset also allows access to qualitative data such as primary text sources hence facilitating qualitative and multi-method research on peacekeeping. Preliminary analyses indicate that the frequency nature and the geographic focus of Turkey's contributions to peacekeeping operations demonstrate a significant shift with the new millennium. Preliminary findings offer interesting insights to the changing characteristics of Turkey's PKO involvements relating to the content geography and timing of these contributions over the time period covered by this dataset.Article Citation - WoS: 11Citation - Scopus: 11Russian and Turkish Foreign Policy Activism in the Syrian Theater(International Relations Council of Turkey, 2019) Rüma, İnan; Çelikpala, MitatRussia and Turkey have been involved in remarkable redefinitions of their foreign policies while navigating through turbulent times in the Post-Cold War era. This has manifested in a search of being recognized as a great power. The tragic civil war in Syria has been the theatre of these ambitions of these two states in highly controversial ways. They have been on the opposite sides until recently on the essential question of the regime change in that country. The risk of a direct fight has even been observed when Turkish air force got a Russian jet down. However, a rapid rapprochement started due to Turkish priority shift from the regime change to the prevention of Kurdish autonomy and the alienation from US; and Russian enthusiasm to get the cooperation of an ardent anti-regime NATO member like Turkey. It can be said that Russia and Turkey have been more process-oriented than result-oriented because they have been compelled to see the limits of their power and influence. As a result, they seem to prefer to focus on the process since they seem to reach their primary objective of showing their salience. All in all, one can only hope for a peaceful and democratic life for Syrians whom tremendously suffered also as a result of an imbroglio of all these global and regional powers’ policies.Book Review The European Union's Immigration Policy: Managing Migration in Turkey and Morocco(Uluslararası İlişkiler Konseyi Derneği, 2018) Oral, GulMigration has been an important reason for externalization of the EU’s policies towards non- member third countries. Throughout the 2000s, the European Union has advanced its efforts for externalization of its immigration policies with the aim of providing security, stability, and prosperity in the neighborhood due to emerging demographic, economic and security problems.Conference Object The Russian Policies in the South Caucasus(IOS Press, 2011) Çelikpala, MitatIn the post-2000 period, Russia's relations with the former Soviet geography, or its "near abroad," are dominated by such issues as energy, namely the dependence of the surrounding countries on Russia, changes in the trade patterns and the impact of globalization, the fight with terrorism, entrenched ethnic conflicts, and the enlargement of Western structures including NATO. In this general framework, the Caucasus has had a special importance for Russia due to its geopolitical and strategic position at the crossroads of energy transit lines, the existence of rich energy resources and the complexity of its ethnic structure. This article aims to analyze Russian Federation's Caucasus policy in a comprehensive manner.Article Citation - WoS: 4THE LOGIC OF SECRECY: DIGITAL SURVEILLANCE IN TURKEY AND RUSSIA(Turkish Policy Quarterly, 2018) Ünver, Hamid AkınTurkey and Russia have been developing comparable approaches to digital surveillance. The advent of Internet Communication Technologies (ICTs) and social media platforms have enabled significantly increased systematic state surveillance. From the state's perspective, data-centric digital surveillance is required for two reasons. First, the extent and depth at which terrorist organizations and criminal groups use these platforms for recruitment, logistics, and planning. Second, this trend is driven by a variant of "security dilemma" in which one state's intelligence advantage in digital space renders other states relatively less secure, generating a never-ending momentum of digital surveillance capability investment. Turkish and Russian surveillance regimes have grown as two particularly problematic cases in the wider surveillance literature.Article Citation - WoS: 37Citation - Scopus: 46Turkey and the Changing Energy Geopolitics of Eurasia(Elsevier Science, 2019) Ersen, Emre; Çelikpala, MitatWhile Turkeys geographical location is usually viewed as a major advantage in the energy sphere since many countries in its immediate neighbourhood require active Turkish collaboration in order to export or import oil and natural gas via economically feasible pipeline projects the ongoing political economic and military conflicts between the same global and regional actors not only negatively affect the development of the energy transportation routes in Eurasia but also present a major foreign policy challenge for Ankara that has traditionally sought to maintain a careful balance in its relations with the West and Russia. The goal of this article is to elaborate on the influence of such geopolitical factors in evaluating Turkeys role in terms of the oil and natural gas pipelines that are either planned or already under construction to connect the various sub-regions of Eurasia. Employing a traditional geopolitical approach it seeks to understand what kind of geopolitical factors come into play regarding Turkey's role in the changing energy geopolitics of Eurasia and in what ways these geopolitical factors strengthen or weaken Turkeys objective to be perceived as a regional energy hub by other actors.Article Citation - WoS: 4Citation - Scopus: 4The Cold War Origins of the Turkish Motor Vehicle Industry: The Tuzla Jeep 1954-1971(Routledge Journals Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2014) Güvenç, SerhatWith its automobile exports measured in millions of units annually Turkey has become one of the top automobile producing nations in Europe. The current state of the Turkish motor vehicle industry stands in contrast to its modest origins which can be traced back to the early years of the Cold War. In the 1950s a private company ventured into the business of assembling Willy's Jeeps in Turkey. The early developmental trajectory of the Turkish automobile manufacturing resembled the experiences of many other countries that resorted to import substitution to reduce foreign currency dependency for automobile imports. However it differed significantly from others in two ways. First it was not undertaken in response to a coordinated government policy but rather as a one-off private initiative. Second it was justified in the context of the Cold War military and strategic requirements. In other words it stands out among its contemporaries in terms of the prominence of military and defense considerations that shaped US and Turkish military views on a private venture during the Cold War. Although the Jeep assembly experience in Turkey ended in failure its products had remained in service in the Turkish Army for nearly 50 years surviving the Cold War and beyond. The experience also left its deep imprint on Turkey's pursuit of an indigenously designed and manufactured automobile.Article Citation - WoS: 1The Only Thing We Have To Fear: Post 9/11 Institutionalization Of In-security [korkmamız Gereken Tek Şey: 11 Eylül Sonrasında Güvensizliğin Kurumsallaşması](Uluslararası İlişkiler Konseyi Derneği, 2012) Çelikpala, Mitat; Öztürk, DuyguDuring the last decade billions of dollars have been spent to increase security measures in the United States. New institutions including a department for homeland security have been established new security tools have been developed and surveillance of Americans has been increased. However despite the creation of 'safety zones' neither the level of the Americans' feeling of security from further terrorist attacks nor their confidence in the ability of US governments to prevent attacks has seen an increase. According to Beck who introduced the concepts of 'world risk society' and 'reflexive modernity' terrorism is one of the products of reflexive modernity which cannot be addressed by traditional security measures. Within this framework this paper analyzes the case of the Americans since 9/11 attacks. In this vein it is argued that the gap which has arisen as a result of addressing non-territory and non-state-based terrorism through state-based security measures has caused a continuation of a high level of insecurity fear and anxiety among the Americans. Public opinion surveys conducted in the United States since the 9/11 attacks by various institutions are used to analyze Americans' thoughts about security and the terror risk in the United States.Article Citation - WoS: 14Citation - Scopus: 13The Nato-Eu Trilogy: the Impact of the Cyprus Conundrum(Routledge Journals Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2012) Acikmese Akgul, Sinem; Triantaphyllou, DimitriosThe Cyprus conundrum presents a major challenge to western security structures and relationships in particular with regard to Turkey's European Union (EU) accession process and the stalled Berlin plus arrangements between NATO and the EU. This article argues that the Cyprus question is neither the sole reason for blocking the progress nor is its resolution the panacea for unblocking the interwoven stalemate in the NATO-EU and the EU-Turkey relationships. In this context this article will first provide a brief synopsis of the history of relations between Turkey and the EU as well as between the EU and NATOArticle Citation - WoS: 3Citation - Scopus: 5Ir Theoretical Approach To the Paris Climate Agreement: Neo-Neo Debate Eco-Marxism and Green Capitalism(Uluslararası İlişkiler Konseyi Derneği, 2017) Ünver, Hamid AkınContinued inability of the international climate negotiations to reach a common resolution has been subject to academic and scientific research focus. These studies have focused on the ways of fostering cooperation and preventing free-riding in climate negotiations through the development of balancing methods. This article first attempts to explore why climate negotiations since 1997 Kyoto Protocol have failed and how such failures could be overcome in 2015 Paris UN Climate Conference through a neorealist and neoliberal institutionalist context. Especially neorealist concepts such as systemic anarchy self-helf and relative gains along with the neoliberal institutionalist response to them through complex interdependence and abolute gains have been instrumental to crafting a theoretical answer to the success of most recent climate negotiations. The article then adds two new systemic-theoretical approach to the debate namely Eco-Marxism and Green Capitalism and aims to contextualize these approaches within international relations theoretical literature.Article Citation - WoS: 16Citation - Scopus: 21Neo-Developmentalist Turn in the Global Political Economy? the Turkish Case(Routledge Journals Taylor & Francis Ltd, 2018) Kutlay, Mustafa; Karaoğuz, Hüseyin EmrahThe 2008 global economic crisis galvanized the debate on neo-developmentalism as the pendulum of economic thinking began to swing away from neoliberalism. The current shift in the modalities of market governance mainly deals with the ways through which industrial policies can be crafted in a more open-economy setting. Accordingly the post-crisis literature turns a keen eye on the state's developmental role in the research and development (R&D) sector in an age of bit-driven' global political economy. On that note the nature properties and limits of state policies of emerging powers in this particular realm are becoming increasingly central but remain an understudied theme. This article discusses the R&D policies of Turkey from a state capacity perspective and questions the rationale of those policies by linking the state's transformative capacity to the discussions on distributive pressures. Drawing on 21 in-depth semi-structured interviews this article assesses Turkey's R&D policies.Book Part Book Part Irregular Immigration in Southern Europe: Actors, Dynamics and Governance(TRANSNATIONAL PRESS LONDON, 2020) Oral, Gul[Abstract Not Available]Book Review Identity and Turkish Foreign Policy: the Kemalist Influence in Cyprus and the Caucasus(Cambridge Univ Press, 2013) Ünver, Hamid Akın[Abstract Not Available]Article Nato-ab İlişkilerinde İşbirliği ve Çatışma Dinamikleri(Uluslararası İlişkiler Konseyi Derneği İktisadi İşletmesi, 2014) Açıkmeşe Akgül, Sinem; Dizdaroğlu, CihanSoğuk Savaş dönemi boyunca Avrupa-Atlantik bölgesinde güvenlik ve savunma alanında NATO’nun sahip olduğu üstün konum, Avrupa’da kendi kendine yetebilen bir güvenlik mekanizmasının oluşumunu engellemiştir. Soğuk Savaş sonrasında dönüşmeye başlayan NATOAB ilişkilerinde, 1998 St. Malo Zirvesi’nin kazandırdığı ivmeyle temelleri atılan OGSP bir dönüm noktası teşkil etmiştir. Bu tarihten itibaren iki örgüt ilişkilerinde işbirliği fırsatlarının yanı sıra çatışma alanları da belirmeye başlamıştır. NATO-AB arasındaki ilişkilerin kurumsal çerçevesini güçlendiren ve “Berlin-artı” düzenlemelerini de içeren bir dizi anlaşmanın varlığına rağmen günümüzde 22 ortak üyeye sahip iki örgüt arasında etkin bir işbirliğinden söz etmek yanıltıcı olacaktır. Başta AB üyesi olmayan NATO müttefiklerine uygulanan ayrımcılık olmak üzere, halen varlığını sürdüren kurumlar arası ayrışma ve ikilik gibi sorunlar NATO-AB ilişkilerinde gelişimin önünü tıkamaktadır. Bu makale, iki örgüt arasındaki sınırlı işbirliğinin yanı sıra, daha etkin bir işbirliğinin önünü tıkayan engelleri ele almaktadır.Article Citation - WoS: 9Survey International Relations Faculty in Turkey: Teaching Research and International Politics-2011(Uluslararası İlişkiler Konseyi Derneği, 2013) Aydın, Mustafa; Yazgan, KorhanFollowing the surveys which were conducted in 2007 and 2009 by the International Relations Council of Turkey Teaching Research and International Politics Survey 2011 was implemented in 2011 in cooperation with the Teaching Research and International Politics TRIP Survey. which has been carried out by the Institute for the Theory and Practice of International Relations at the College of William and Mary in the United States since 2004. The survey aims to explain and understand the development current status and major characteristics of the International Relations (IR) studies in Turkey its place in the global IR discipline and the views of IR scholars on major issues on the global regional and national agenda. This report aims to present the results of the survey comparatively at the global and national scale. The findings were organized in such a way to also test the argument that there is a functional core/periphery division in the world of IR according to which the Western core countries undertake theoretical knowledge production and other countries provide local expertise and data.
