Ünver, Hamid Akın

Ünver, Hamid Akın

Name Variants

Ünver, Hamid Akın
H.,Ünver
H. A. Ünver
Hamid Akın, Ünver
Unver, Hamid Akin
H.,Unver
H. A. Unver
Hamid Akin, Unver
Unver, H. Akin
Ünver,A.
Akin Ünver,H.
Ünver,A.
Akin Ünver,H.

Email Address

Akın.unver@khas.edu.tr

Full item page

Scholarly Output

22

Articles

12

Citation Count

0

Supervised Theses

5 Scholarly Output Search Results

Now showing 1 - 10 of 22

How Turkey's Islamists Fell Out of Love With Iran
(Wiley-Blackwell, 2012) Ünver, Hamid Akın; Ünver, Hamid Akın
[Abstract Not Available]
THE LOGIC OF SECRECY: DIGITAL SURVEILLANCE IN TURKEY AND RUSSIA
(Turkish Policy Quarterly, 2018) Ünver, Hamid Akın; Ünver, Hamid Akın
Turkey and Russia have been developing comparable approaches to digital surveillance. The advent of Internet Communication Technologies (ICTs) and social media platforms have enabled significantly increased systematic state surveillance. From the state's perspective, data-centric digital surveillance is required for two reasons. First, the extent and depth at which terrorist organizations and criminal groups use these platforms for recruitment, logistics, and planning. Second, this trend is driven by a variant of "security dilemma" in which one state's intelligence advantage in digital space renders other states relatively less secure, generating a never-ending momentum of digital surveillance capability investment. Turkish and Russian surveillance regimes have grown as two particularly problematic cases in the wider surveillance literature.
Militancy Governance Under State Failure: Models of Legitimacy Contestation in Ungoverned Spaces
(2017) Ünver, Hamid Akın; Ünver, Hamid Akın
This article makes an empirical exposition of militancy governance under state failure by focusing on ISIS (Islamic State in Iraq and Syria), YPG (People's Protection Units), Luhansk People's Republic and Donetsk People's Republic. Specifically, the article discusses how these groups mobilize different types of grievances and frame their propaganda to exert control over areas where states are weakened. Furthermore, how these groups engage in early modes of pre- and post-territorial control, form governance practices and prioritize particular areas for better administration are also elaborated in detail. Ultimately, the paper argues that Violent Non-State Actors (VNSAs) perform better in areas of low loyalty and high resource-generation and if its territorial ambitions are maximalist (expansionist). Through these variables, we are better able to judge how sustainable these groups will be in their respective territories and how should states approach local governance once these groups are defeated.
Turkey Past and Future: the Forgotten Secular Turkish Model
(2013) Ünver, Hamid Akın; Ünver, Hamid Akın
[Abstract Not Available]
Turkey's Kurdish Question: Discourse & Politics Since 1990
(Taylor and Francis Inc., 2015) Ünver, Hamid Akın; Ünver, Hamid Akın
The Kurdish question is one of the most complicated and protracted conflicts of the Middle East and will never be resolved unless it is finally defined. The majority of the Kurdish people live in Turkey, which gives the country a unique position in the larger Kurdish conundrum. Society in Turkey is deeply divided over the definition and even existence of the Kurdish question, and this uncertainty has long manifested itself in its complete denial, or in accusations of political rivals of 'separatism' and even 'treason'. Turkey's Kurdish Question explores how these denial and acknowledgement dynamics often reveal pre-existing political ideology and agenda priorities, themselves becoming political actions. While the very term "Kurdish question" is discussed in the academic literature as a given, a new and systemic study is required to deconstruct and analyze the constitutive parts of this discursive construct. This book provides the first comprehensive study and analysis of the discursive constructions and perceptions of what is broadly defined as the "Kurdish question" in Turkish, European and American political cultures. Furthermore, its new methodological approach to the study of discourse and politics of secessionist conflicts can be applied to many similar intra-state conflict cases. Turkey's Kurdish Question would suit students and scholars of Middle East studies, Conflict studies and Comparative Politics, as well as Turkish or Kurdish studies. © 2015 Hamid Akin Ünver. All rights reserved.
Do Climate-Related Natural Disasters Affect the Conflict Dynamics Through Affecting the Horizontal Inequalities?: the Cases of Malawi, Mozambique and Nigeria
(Kadir Has Üniversitesi, 2021) Rodi Mutlu, Mirkan; Ünver, Hamid Akın; Ünver, Hamid Akın
There is a complex relationship between natural disasters and conflict. While the literature mainly investigates this relationship through the impact of climate related-natural disasters on conflict via its effect on state capacity, economic-agricultural output, grievances and greed, there is less attention to the climate-related natural disasters' impact on conflict through affecting the horizontal inequalities. Since that the climate related-natural disasters can highly worsen the economic and social conditions in vulnerable deprived regions and less worsen the conditions in advantaged regions, climate-related natural disasters can worsen the horizontal inequalities in the country. Horizontal inequalities can increase the risk of conflict. Therefore, it is important to analyze this relationship. In this thesis, I investigate the impact of the climate-related natural disasters on conflict dynamics through affecting the horizontal inequalities. By focusing on the cases of Malawi, Mozambique and Nigeria, I think that the climate-related natural disasters increase the risk of conflict in Malawi, Mozambique and Nigeria by worsening the horizontal inequalities in these countries. On contrary to my expectation, my results show that while the climate related-disasters increased the risk of conflict in Nigeria through worsening the horizontal inequalities, they did not increase the risk of conflict in Malawi and Mozambique via horizontal inequalities. Specifically, for Mozambique, the results indicated that climate related-natural disasters did not increase the risk of conflict via horizontal inequalities since that both the advantaged and deprived regions were affected in similar levels. For Malawi, my results suggest that the despite that the climate related-natural disasters worsened the horizontal inequalities, there were no increased risk of conflict. The reason is that affected deprived people did not feel injustice or inequality. Also, the low-level horizontal inequalities affected the the peace situation in Malawi. As an important note, my findings are mainly weak and should not be understand as strong/important results. I mainly observe the relationship among the disasters-conflict-horizontal inequalities.
Turkish-Iranian Energy Cooperation and Conflict: the Regional Politics
(Wiley-Blackwell, 2016) Ünver, Hamid Akın; Ünver, Hamid Akın
[Abstract Not Available]
The Role Of Natural Resources İn The Colombian Peace Process Kolombiya Barış Sürecinde Doğal Kaynakların Rolü
(Kadir Has Üniversitesi, 2021) Kaya, Gizem; Ünver, Hamid Akın; Ünver, Hamid Akın; Ünver, Hamid Akın
Natural resources, depending on how governments handle them, continue to shape post-conflict societies increasing the risk of conflict recurrence or contributing to long-lasting peace. This thesis, considering two different kinds of literature examining the effects of natural resources on post-conflict countries, determined its main research question as "How do natural resources affect the Colombian peace process?" Do natural resources increase the risk of conflict recurrence in Colombia? Or are they mediators for sustainable peace? This thesis embraces a bottom-up approach that includes public views over natural resources in Colombia, focusing on Twitter as its workspace. In line with this, from the ratification of the peace agreement until the declaration of the first official Covid-19 case in Colombia; using time series, quantitative text, and sentiment analysis methods, it aims to investigate the impacts of illegal crops, gemstones, forests, and land-related issues on the peace process from the perspective of Colombians. According to the results obtained from the analyzes of these four segments, issues related to illegal crop cultivation are at the forefront in the peace process. Quantitative text analysis results reveal words related to government and politicians, as well as words related to protests and environmental concerns. In the sentiment analysis results, in tweets about mining and deforestation, negative emotions leave behind positive emotions, while positive emotions about coca and rural slightly exceed negative ones. Consequently, Colombia seems to be open to likely conflicts in terms of natural resources-related problems, including the environment, indigenous and local peoples' livelihoods, the situation of social leaders, and grievances on the issue of violence. Under these circumstances, building sustainable peace based on effective and fair natural resource management remains to be attained as an objective in the long term. Keywords: Natural resources, Colombia, Colombian peace process, civil war, conflict recurrence, sustainable peace, environmental peacebuilding, post-conflict societies, Twitter, computational social science, time series analysis, quantitative text analysis, sentiment analysis. Los recursos naturales, dependiendo de cómo los manejen los gobiernos, continúan dando forma a las sociedades postconflicto, lo que aumenta el riesgo de que se repita el conflicto o contribuye a una paz duradera. Esta tesis, considerando dos tipos diferentes de literatura que examina los efectos de los recursos naturales en países en posconflicto, determinó su principal pregunta de investigación como "¿Cómo afectan los recursos naturales al proceso de paz colombiano?" ¿Los recursos naturales aumentan el riesgo de que se repita el conflicto en Colombia? ¿O son mediadores de una paz sostenible? Esta tesis adopta un enfoque de abajo hacia arriba que incluye opiniones públicas sobre los recursos naturales en Colombia, centrándose en Twitter como su espacio de trabajo. En línea con esto, desde la ratificación del acuerdo de paz hasta la declaración del primer caso oficial de Covid19 en Colombia; utilizando series de tiempo, texto cuantitativo y métodos de análisis de sentimientos, tiene como objetivo investigar los impactos de los cultivos ilícitos, las piedras preciosas, los bosques y los problemas relacionados con la tierra en el proceso de paz desde la perspectiva de los colombianos. De acuerdo con los resultados obtenidos de los análisis de estos cuatro segmentos, los temas relacionados con el cultivo ilegal de cultivos están en la vanguardia del proceso de paz. Los resultados del análisis de texto cuantitativo revelan palabras relacionadas con el gobierno y los políticos, así como palabras relacionadas con protestas y preocupaciones ambientales. En los resultados del análisis de sentimiento; las emociones negativas dejan atrás a las emociones positivas en los tweets sobre minería y deforestación, mientras que las emociones positivas acerca de la coca y las zonas rurales superan ligeramente a las negativas. En consecuencia, Colombia parece estar abierta a posibles conflictos en términos de problemas relacionados con los recursos naturales, incluido el medio ambiente, los medios de vida de los pueblos indígenas y locales, la situación de los líderes sociales y los agravios por el tema de la violencia. En estas circunstancias, la construcción de una paz sostenible basada en una gestión eficaz y justa de los recursos naturales sigue siendo un objetivo a largo plazo. Palabras clave: recursos naturales, Colombia, proceso de paz colombiano, guerra civil, recurrencia del conflicto, paz sostenible, construcción de paz ambiental, sociedades postconflicto, Twitter, ciencias sociales computacionales, análisis de series de tiempo, análisis cuantitativo de textos, análisis de sentimientos.
Harmonızation Under Temporary Protectıon: The Norm Life Cycle Of Education For Syrıans İn Turkey 2013-2017 Gecici Koruma Altındaki Suriyelilerin Harmonizasyonu: 2013-2017 Yılları Arasında Turkiye'deki Suriyelilerin Eğitiminin Norm Yaşam Döngüsü
(Kadir Has Üniversitesi, 2021) Rasmussen, Amber Kae Heyer; Ünver, Hamid Akın; Güvenç, Serhat; Ünver, Hamid Akın; Sert, Deniz
Türkiye 2013 – 2017 arası üçte biri zorunlu eğitim çağında 2,7 milyon Suriyeli mülteciyi ağırladı. Geçicilik vizyonuyla hareket edilen bu süreçte hızlı kurumsal değişimler geçiren ve vatandaşları tarafından meşruluğu azalan Türkiye hükümeti, başka ihtiyaçlarının yanında şehirlerde ikamet eden mültecilerin %90'ının eğitim ihtiyaçlarını karşılamaya hazır değildi. Bu araştırma, Türkiye'nin 2013-2017 yılları arasında Suriyelilerin eğitimine ilişkin değişen politikalarını tanımlamak için Martha Finnemore ve Kathryn Sikkink'in (1998) Norm Yaşam Döngüsü'nü kullanmaktadır. Bu betimsel çalışma, masa başı araştırma yöntemlerini kullanarak Türkiye'deki mültecilerin eğitiminin norm ve evrimini Türkiye'deki Suriyeliler üzerinden incelemektedir. Finnemore ve Sikkink'in üç aşamalı norm yaşam döngüsü modeli Türkiye'nin, Türkiye'deki Suriyeliler'i baz alarak, mülteci eğitiminde bir aşamadan diğer aşamaya evrilmesine sebep olan baraj noktalarını ve kritik eşikleri detaya inerek incelemeyi hedeflemektedir. Bu kritik eşiklerin ve çevrelerindeki olayların konstrüktivist bir bakış açısıyla incelenmesi, aktörleri uluslararası eğitim normlarına yaklaştırmaktadır. Türkiye gibi ekstrem bir vakanın bir milyondan fazla mülteci öğrencinin eğitimine yaklaşımındaki yetkinliklerini ve esnekliklerini incelemek, uluslararası mülteci eğitiminde gelecek model ve normlara kaynak oluşturabilir ve mülteciler ile ev sahibi ülkenin toplulukları üzerindeki negatif etkiyi azaltabilir. Anahtar Sözcükler: Mülteci, Eğitim, Zorunlu göç, Entegrasyon, Uyum, Norm araştırması, Kimlik, Meşruiyet, Konstrüktivizm, Yapılandırmacılık
The Effect of External Actors on the Courses of Asymmetric Conflicts: Pkk, Ltte, and Farc
(Kadir Has Üniversitesi, 2019) Sezgin, Tuğba; Ünver, Hamid Akın; Ünver, Hamid Akın
İkinci Dünya savaşından sonraki dönemde artış gösteren ve bugün dünyanın birçok yerinde farklı motivasyonlarla varlık gösteren silahlı örgütler iç savaş literatürünün ana konusunu oluşturmaktadır. Bu çalışma da asimetrik yöntemlerle savaşan devletdışı silahlı örgütlerin güçlü taraf olan devletlere karşı varlıklarını nasıl sürdürebildiğini sorunsallaştırmaktadır ve silahlı örgütlerin savaşın zayıf tarafı olmalarına rağmen dış aktörlerden aldıkları destek sayesinde uzun yıllar şiddet kullanma kapasitelerini devam ettirebildiklerini savunmaktadır. Dış aktörlerin ise silahlı örgütlere yardım etmekle savaşın sürecine, aktörlerin tutumlarına ve dolayısıyla sonucuna ciddi ölçüde etki ettiğini iddia etmektedir. Bahsi geçen argümanların ne derece geçerli olduğunu görebilmek için asimetrik taktikler benimseyen üç farklı silahlı örgütün karşılaştırmalı incelenmesi yoluna başvurulmaktadır.Bu örgütler uzun süre çeşitli dış desteklerin varlığı sayesinde ayakta kalabilmiş Kürdistan İşçi Partisi (PKK), Tamil Eelam Kurtuluş Kaplanları (LTTTE) ve Kolombiya Devrimci Silahlı Güçleri (FARC)’tır. Bu örgütlerin detaylı analizi, diğer silahlı örgütlerin var olmasına etki eden faktörlerin anlaşılması ve neden oldukları şiddete son verilmesi açısından önemli bulgular sunmaktadır.