Populist Hyperpersonalization and Politicization of Foreign Policy Institutions

dc.authorid Yanik, Lerna K./0000-0002-5234-2067
dc.authorwosid Yanik, Lerna K./E-2866-2019
dc.contributor.author Koharik Yanık, Lerna
dc.contributor.author Yanik, Lerna K.
dc.contributor.other Political Science and International Relations
dc.date.accessioned 2025-03-15T20:06:31Z
dc.date.available 2025-03-15T20:06:31Z
dc.date.issued 2024
dc.department Kadir Has University en_US
dc.department-temp [Ozdamar, Ozgur] Bilkent Univ, Dept Int Relat, Ankara, Turkiye; [Ozdamar, Ozgur] Bilkent Univ, Ctr Foreign Policy & Peace Studies, Res, Ankara, Turkiye; [Yanik, Lerna K.] Kadir Has Univ, Dept Polit Sci & Int Relat, Istanbul, Turkiye en_US
dc.description.abstract This article explains how right-wing populist leaders in Hungary, Poland, Russia and Turkey have transformed their states' foreign policy institutions through personalization and politicization. We examine the transformation of foreign policy institutions in the four cases and make two contributions. First, we differentiate between disparate types of personalization by proposing the term 'hyperpersonalization'-populist leaders' reliance on security institutions in foreign policy decision-making-which distinguishes the populist transformation of foreign policy institutions in Russia and Turkey. We argue that lower levels and speed of autocratization lead to politicization combined with milder cases of personalization of the foreign policy bureaucracy, while higher levels and speed of autocratization lead to higher levels of personalization in the foreign policy institutions. Second, we lay out the steps and patterns of populist politicization and hyperpersonalization that bring 'deinstitutionalizing restructuring' to foreign policy institutions. As we illustrate, this deinstitutionalizing restructuring involves concurrent bureaucratic expansion and bureaucratic retrenchment. The process is accompanied by a populist narrative that this restructuring is done to realize the 'popular will' or to regain 'full sovereignty'. We conclude the article with the policy implications of this populist transformation of foreign policy institutions. en_US
dc.description.woscitationindex Social Science Citation Index
dc.identifier.doi 10.1093/ia/iiae181
dc.identifier.endpage 1856 en_US
dc.identifier.issn 0020-5850
dc.identifier.issn 1468-2346
dc.identifier.issue 5 en_US
dc.identifier.scopusquality Q1
dc.identifier.startpage 1835 en_US
dc.identifier.uri https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiae181
dc.identifier.uri https://hdl.handle.net/20.500.12469/7208
dc.identifier.volume 100 en_US
dc.identifier.wos WOS:001315125500020
dc.identifier.wosquality Q1
dc.language.iso en en_US
dc.publisher Oxford Univ Press en_US
dc.relation.publicationcategory Makale - Uluslararası Hakemli Dergi - Kurum Öğretim Elemanı en_US
dc.rights info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess en_US
dc.subject Foreign Policy Analysis en_US
dc.subject Authoritarian Populism en_US
dc.subject Foreign Policy Institutions en_US
dc.subject Russia en_US
dc.subject Eastern Europe en_US
dc.subject Middle East en_US
dc.title Populist Hyperpersonalization and Politicization of Foreign Policy Institutions en_US
dc.type Article en_US
dc.wos.citedbyCount 2
dspace.entity.type Publication
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